100 years since the revolution. The centenary of the revolution is an inconvenient anniversary for the Russian authorities. Kaliningrad: porridge and personal belongings of the emperor

Great Russian Revolution- a radical change in Russian history. The process, which has affected all spheres of public life, has not yet acquired an unambiguous assessment in the historical consciousness of modern Russia, which is experiencing a period of social, cultural and political transformation. Many aspects of this period of Russian history remain undisclosed or disclosed in a biased and politically biased manner.

2017 is the year of the centenary of the 1917 Revolution. The centenary milestone is significant for historical memory. It is now necessary to support the trend of reconciling society with the events of 1917 and promote the popularization of high-quality historical knowledge in order to draw lessons from them.

Russian Historical Society takes an active part in the preparation and conduct of events dedicated to the Great Russian Revolution, guided by the values ​​of science, verifiability and civil solidarity, expressed in a sensitive and objective approach to historical events.

“We approached the topic of the 1917 Revolution prepared. Its wide discussion took place at various venues, as part of the development of the concept of teaching national history at school. Even then, it was proposed to consider the Great Russian Revolution as a complex and dramatic process, including interconnected stages. Events of February and October 1917, the fall of the monarchy and the establishment of the republic, elections to the Constituent Assembly and the Kornilov rebellion, the establishment of Soviet power and a bloody civil war,”

- Chairman of the Russian Historical Society Sergei Naryshkin.

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The study of the causes and consequences of the Great Russian Revolution will continue - such a statement was made by the Chairman of the Russian Historical Society Sergei Naryshkin at the final meeting of the organizing committee for the preparation and holding of events dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the 1917 revolution in Russia.

An exhibition opened at the All-Russian Museum of Decorative, Applied and Folk Art "Porcelain Revolution. Dream of a New World. Soviet porcelain". The exhibition features hundreds of decorative plates, cups, saucers, and sculptures produced during the first twenty years of the Soviet state, which are traditionally called propaganda porcelain.

The International Historical and Musical Festival of Children and Youth Creativity “The Russian Revolution of 1917: Musical Memory of Generations” was held in the concert hall of the Academic Song and Dance Ensemble of the Russian Army named after A.V. Alexandrov.

A modular exhibition “The Revolution of 1917 on the streets of Moscow in archival documents and photographs” opened on Nikolskaya Street. The exhibition was prepared by the Russian Society of Historian-Archivists and the Historical and Archival Institute of the Russian State University for the Humanities with the support of the Russian Historical Society and the History of the Fatherland Foundation.

A concert at the Mariinsky Theater, a demonstration of unique documents from the archives of the Navy and the laying of a stone at the Admiralty Shipyards in memory of the shipbuilders of the era of the revolution and the Civil War: events dedicated to the centenary of the revolutionary coup in Russia were held in St. Petersburg.

On the eve of the centenary of the Great Russian Revolution Sergey Naryshkin gave an exclusive interview to First Deputy General Director of TASS Mikhail Gusman, in which he spoke about the significance of this historical event for Russian citizens, its assessment in modern Russian society, as well as about the events held throughout the country in anticipation of this date.

In Russia, a memorial to all those who died during the revolution and the Civil War may soon appear. This proposal was made by State Duma deputies at parliamentary hearings “Centenary of the 1917 Revolution in Russia: international aspects”.

The State Historical Museum is preparing to open the exhibition “Energy of Dreams”. It will be the final and largest event in the calendar of events dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Great Russian Revolution.

The International Scientific Conference “Russian Revolution and the Constitution” was held at the House of the Russian Historical Society. It brought together several dozen experts from different countries - historians, lawyers, political scientists, economists, and cultural experts.

The “Week of the Russian Revolution” has started in Paris: in the coming days, several major scientific forums and other events dedicated to the events of 1917 and their impact on the world will be held in the French capital.

MOSCOW, November 7. /TASS/. Tuesday marks the 100th anniversary of the most controversial event in Russian history - the October Revolution, which marked the beginning of the creation of the Soviet state within the borders of the Russian Empire.

In the fall of 1917, six months after the abdication of Emperor Nicholas II, the collapse of government in Russia, caused by the rivalry of the Provisional Government and the various leftist parties that formed parallel bodies of power throughout the country, known as the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, reached its peak. One of the most active forces vying for power was the Russian Social Democratic Party (Bolsheviks) led by Vladimir Ulyanov (Lenin).

Exactly 100 years ago, on November 7 (October 25, old style) in St. Petersburg, military units and workers’ guards loyal to the Bolsheviks began to protest, which methodically took control of the capital’s main infrastructure facilities. The day ended on cue with a blank shot from the cruiser Aurora, a night assault on the Winter Palace, the seat of the Provisional Government, and the proclamation of a new government at the All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

It was from this day that the formation of the authorities of Soviet Russia and the construction of the state began, which later went down in history as the USSR.

These events split the country into supporters and opponents of the Bolsheviks for a long time. Supporters credited them with the restoration of statehood and the industrialization of the country; spreading influence over many countries that have also adopted the socialist path of development; eliminating poverty and achieving a sufficiently high standard of living. In addition, the indisputable achievements of the USSR are the successes of science, which became one of the most advanced for its time, as well as the victory over Nazi Germany.

Opponents cannot forget that it was from the events of 1917 that communist repressions against political opponents and those who simply disagreed with them began, reaching a peak in the 1930s, when people were sent to execution by lists; persecution of the church, accompanied by the physical destruction of churches and the murder of clergy; persecution of national minorities, when entire peoples were evicted from their traditional places of residence; almost complete isolation of the entire country from the rest of the world for decades.

St. Petersburg: a cannon salvo and 1917 through the eyes of children

On November 7 at noon, a cannon salvo in the Peter and Paul Fortress will sound in memory of the centuries-old events that took place in Petrograd and radically changed the course of Russian history. “It will remind you that 100 years ago, during the October armed uprising, it was a shot from a signal gun from the Naryshkin Bastion that signaled the cruiser Aurora,” noted the State Museum of History of St. Petersburg. “Aurora, in turn, fired a blank gun salvo, which became the signal for the assault on Winter Palace."

Also in the Peter and Paul Fortress there will be an exhibition dedicated to the artistic decoration of the city on the day of the celebration of the anniversary of "October" during seven decades of Soviet power. At the same time, especially for the museum project for the anniversary of the revolution, the famous St. Petersburg clothing designer Liliya Kiselenko will present a fashion collection with the symbolic name “In Red.”

On Tuesday, a gala concert will take place on the New Stage of the Mariinsky Theater, also timed to coincide with the events of a hundred years ago. According to the directors, the play focuses on their perception through the eyes of children. “They will be Trotsky, Dzerzhinsky, Lenin, Nikolai. And accordingly, with their absolute lack of attitude towards these events, with the purity and curiosity with which children approach any issue, they will objectively consider everything that happened,” the director explained Vasily Barkhatov.

The creative groups that will take the stage this evening include Sergei Shnurov and the Leningrad group.

Revolution on the Volga: a new “assault on the Winter Palace” and talk about Lenin

In the Volodarsky district of the Astrakhan region, a stele in the form of a symbol of the revolution - the cruiser Aurora - will be unveiled in Victory Park. It is made of composite materials, with the application of a special photographic film. And the Rostov communists will hold a festive demonstration and reconstruction of the “Storm of the Winter Palace”.

In Novorossiysk, the local museum will display a testament letter written by the defenders of the Malaya Zemlya bridgehead on February 4, 1978 in honor of the 35th anniversary of the landing under the command of Major Caesar Kunikov.

In Ulyanovsk, the homeland of Vladimir Lenin, an open day will be held at the Lenin Memorial and a discussion will take place on the topic “100 years of revolution: Ideals. Personalities. Results.”

“Visitors to the House-Museum of Vladimir Lenin in Kazan will hear an audio play with a memorial exhibition, will be able to drink tea prepared according to ancient traditions and play a psychological game with a detective plot. Thematic meetings will be held in all districts of Nizhny Novgorod, and in the Orthodox Park at the foot of the Ascension Pechersky Monastery they will plant a maple alley.

At the Orenburg Regional Museum of Fine Arts at the exhibition “Time, forward!” will present unique etchings (engravings) by the Russian-Mexican artist Vladimir (Vladi) Kibalchich, the son of the famous revolutionary writer Victor Serge. The historical park “Russia is my history” with an interactive exhibition about the history of the Samara region in the light of Russian history will open in Samara this afternoon.

Kaliningrad: porridge and personal belongings of the emperor

In Kaliningrad, at a ceremonial meeting, participants will be treated to “Che Guevara” buckwheat porridge. And in the Kaliningrad Regional History and Art Museum, for the 100th anniversary of the revolution, the exhibition “In the Service of Russia: The History of One Family” has already opened. It presents archival material from the family of General of the Russian Imperial Army Vladimir Slyusarenko, who was a participant in the Battle of Gumbinnen in East Prussia in August-September 1914, and personal belongings of Emperor Nicholas II, which the general’s daughter bought from a sailor on the black market in Petrograd in the fall of 1917.

Caucasus: century of revolution and literature

In the Stavropol State Museum-Reserve named after. G.N. Prozritelev and G.K. A new exhibition, “The Age of Revolution,” will open right, which will feature documents, things, photographs, newspapers and things of participants in those events - natives of the Stavropol Territory.

An exhibition dedicated to the influence of the events of 1917 on the development of Chechen literature was opened at the National Museum of Chechnya. “The exhibition, which presents stands with the history of the founders of Chechen literature, their work and personal belongings, will be open throughout the month. Our people, including writers, became victims of the government in which they believed. Today we wanted to show that our writers did not dwell on tragedies, having survived repression: they wrote wonderful novels about interethnic friendship, about life, about humanity,” Elisa Gelogaeva, deputy general director of the museum, told TASS.

Ivanovo: admission to the ranks of Komsomol

In the city of Ivanovo, which is called the “Homeland of the First Council,” a rally will be held on the square of the same name. “During the event, everyone will be able to submit applications to join the ranks of the Lenin Komsomol,” noted the press service of the regional branch of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

A little later, on Thursday, in the city of Kimovsk, Tula region, a Museum dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution will be opened at the railway station. It will be turned into a memorial site dedicated to the period of formation of Soviet power in the Kimovsky district." One of the exhibits will be a steam locomotive of the Er series, it was taken from the South Ural Railway, underwent service restoration, and has already been delivered to Kimovsk.

Siberia: red trams and Strelka 1917

“Red trams” No. 1 and No. 3, decorated with holiday attributes, will be launched in Irkutsk; rides on retro vehicles will be free.

On the eve of the holiday, the “Streets of Revolution” museum car will begin running in the Novosibirsk metro.

In Omsk, proclaimed in 1918 the capital of White Russia, a thematic All-Russian scientific and practical conference dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution was held back in October. Representatives of 14 regions of Russia, as well as guests from Kazakhstan, Moldova, Ukraine and Israel took part in it.

The new exhibition project "Strelka 19 17" will be presented by the Kemerovo Regional Museum of Local Lore. For the exhibition we chose the time period from the beginning of the 20th century to May 1918: the magazines “Chronicle of the War of 1914”, a telegraph apparatus made in 1915, uniforms of the Kopikuz miners (a Franco-German-Belgian joint-stock company established in 1912, which received the right to develop a number of coal mines). deposits in Siberia), as well as uniforms of Russian army officers, a collection of pre-revolutionary money and lanterns for railway workers, and much more.

Chelyabinsk: retro postcards and the NKVD office

An exhibition of postcards from the 1920s - 1930s will open at the Museum of Postal Communications of the Chelyabinsk Region; the exhibition will feature more than 170 exhibits.

And at the Center for Historical and Cultural Heritage of Chelyabinsk there will be an exhibition “On the way to a bright future: 20th century. Soviet Union. Chelyabinsk”, where more than a thousand exhibits are collected, a trench from the Civil War, a barracks for the first builders of industrial enterprises of the city, an office of an NKVD employee, apartment two are recreated half of the 20th century. Among the exhibits are a Soviet television, radio, clock, refrigerator and other items from the times of the USSR.

Ural: revolution of fashion and childhood

The United Museum of Writers of the Urals in Yekaterinburg has prepared two exhibitions for city residents, the first is “Fashion Revolution,” which recreates the atmosphere of a fashion studio of the 1920s. Visitors will see samples of clothing from the early 20th century, sewing machines of that time, and learn about the influence of the revolution on fashion to the sounds of ragtime from an old gramophone. The exhibits were brought by city residents “from old grandmothers’ chests,” some of them were donated by artists of the Chamber Theater (Ekaterinburg). The second exhibition is “Revolution of Childhood”, it offers a comparison of peasant, noble and Soviet childhood.

Eight time capsules

Six time capsules laid for the 50th anniversary of the Great October Revolution in 1967 will be opened in the Arkhangelsk region, Stavropol, Rostov-on-Don, Kursk, Apeksin of the Tver region and in the Crimean village of Vilino. In Crimea and the Arkhangelsk region they will not stop at the autopsy - they will lay a capsule there for descendants, which can be opened in 2067. Moreover, the Arkhangelsk communists address to their descendants the story of Joseph Brodsky about his stay in exile.

The capsule has already been opened in Novorossiysk; the message talks about the attention and care with which war veterans are treated in Novorossiysk. The letter was signed by 56 defenders of Novorossiysk.

Far East: art and boiling water with sugar

In the Far East, the 100th anniversary of the revolution has already been celebrated. In the capital of Primorye, an art exhibition took place in the regional art gallery. The exhibition “Give a revolution in art!” brought together more than 60 exhibits - from painting to sculpture, telling about the period in history, which in Primorye is associated with the stay in the city of outstanding artists and writers who found temporary refuge in Vladivostok before emigrating.

In Magadan, a theatrical evening with poetry reading was dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the revolution. Poems were sung from the stage, and during the intermission there was a master class on equipping a machine gun belt with cartridges and the distribution of boiling water and sugar.

Also on Tuesday in honor of the 100th anniversary of the Great October Revolution in Orel, Voronezh, Yaroslavl, Lipetsk, Volgograd, Arkhangelsk, Norilsk, Pskov, Petrozavodsk, Syktyvkar, Tambov, Belgorod, Altai Territory, Krasnoyarsk, Chita, Sochi, Makhachkala, Kabardino-Balkaria , Adygea, Buryatia there will be solemn processions, rallies, meetings, concerts, photo and art exhibitions and flower laying at the monuments to Vladimir Lenin and the Heroes of the Civil War.

Consensus through history

Understanding and accepting is the key message contained in the speeches of speakers at different levels. However, it was on the eve of the centenary of the revolution that a discussion flared up again in society about whether it was worth leaving the body of the revolutionary leader Vladimir Lenin in the Mausoleum, and the topic of Stalin’s repressions of the 30s of the 20th century was heard with renewed vigor. This terrible past, according to Russian President Vladimir Putin, “cannot be erased from the national memory and, moreover, cannot be justified by anything.”

Assessing the events of a century ago, the director of the Russian Historical Society (RIS), director of the foreign intelligence service of the Russian Federation, Sergei Naryshkin, noted that only an impartial approach to history will allow one to draw the right conclusions. “For the first time in many decades, the state does not dictate to historians their scientific conclusions. On the contrary, the government itself expects these conclusions from researchers, because only an impartial approach to history allows us to draw lessons from it,” he said in an interview with TASS.

Naryshkin noted that the Great Russian Revolution needs to be considered comprehensively in order to get a holistic picture of this large-scale historical event. "In various historical periods, we either praised the leaders of the revolution or demonized them. But over the years, it becomes obvious that the radicalism of history is harmful, I would even say, contraindicated. Our history is the history of everyone without exception. The ability to accept this multifaceted picture of the world is true a sign of the stability of our civil society, a criterion of its moral health,” the head of RIO emphasized.

Executive Director of the Russian Military Historical Society (RVIO) Vladislav Kononov agrees with Naryshkin. According to him, assessments of the revolution and the new historical stage cannot and should not be unambiguous.

“There cannot and should not be a clear opinion here. Whether the revolution of 1917 is good or bad is the wrong way to pose the question. This happened in our history, we must study it carefully and in no case should we erase it or be ashamed of it. Events of a century ago “is the greatest lesson history has taught us,” Kononov told TASS.

Director of the St. Petersburg Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences Nikolai Smirnov believes that it is premature to talk about reconciliation of society. “From my point of view, our country, unfortunately, has not learned any lessons. It is still in a state of split, our society is still a society of reds and whites. At the moment, to say that this event will play the role of a unifying factor, is completely meaningless. Until the split is overcome, until society is largely a tolerant society, it is impossible to take an objective view of what happened in 1917,” he said.

The Church in 1917: the great turning point

The events of 1917 played a special role in the life of the Russian Orthodox Church. As Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Rus' noted earlier, just a few years after the events of October 1917, the Church was almost completely destroyed. As the head of the Russian Orthodox Church stated at the opening of the “Wall of Sorrow” monument to the repressed in Moscow, the cause of the revolution and the subsequent civil war was “the rejection of the spiritual foundations of human life.” The Patriarch calls not to use history to incite new conflicts and to learn lessons from the events of the past century. According to him, the current generation has no right to repeat historical mistakes, and “the tragic pages of our past should not be a reason for inciting hatred and increasing tension.”

A hard-won revolution?

On Tuesday, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation will complete a week-long series of celebrations dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution with a traditional festive procession and rally in Moscow. “The mouse fuss of those who are trying to “cancel” the significance of the Great October Revolution is ridiculous and deceitful,” says the congratulatory message from the permanent leader of the Communist Party Gennady Zyuganov. “Russia suffered through the revolution, it came to socialism along the difficult road of dreams and aspirations. It was truly a great impulse,” he emphasized.

The Russian Communist Party positions itself as “the heir of the Great October Revolution” and, in the words of its leader, “is fighting to return the country to the path of fair development and progress.” “Like the Bolsheviks 100 years ago, today the Communist Party of the Russian Federation offers a strategy of salvation, the program “10 steps to a decent life”. Together with our like-minded people, we are resisting fascism, nationalism and Banderaism,” Zyuganov said.

In his speech at the international forum of leftist forces in Moscow on November 6, the head of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation called for “intense political and propaganda work,” which, according to him, is necessary to “transform the ideals of the Great October Revolution and the friendship of peoples into a guide to action for millions of people around the world.” world." He considers the socialist doctrine "the only alternative to capitalism, which brings with it crises and wars."

The leadership of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation evaluates the revolution of 1917 differently. The main lesson of the events of a hundred years ago should be that the country’s development does not occur in a revolutionary way, but through the consolidation of society based on mutual respect and preservation of traditions, State Duma Speaker Vyacheslav Volodin said on November 1 at the XXI World Russian People’s Council. In his opinion, “it is unacceptable to romanticize revolutions and glorify people who overthrow legitimate governments, dooming their people to suffering.”

“A Just Russia” as a “socialist-oriented party” will celebrate the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution, the first deputy head of its Duma faction, Mikhail Yemelyanov, told TASS earlier. At the same time, according to the leader of the Right Russia party, Sergei Mironov, “it has never been possible to make anyone happy through violence,” so the party “sees the country’s prospects exclusively on the paths of evolutionary development.”

The chairman of the LDPR, Vladimir Zhirinovsky, is clear in his attitude towards the revolution. “Any revolution is violence, and any violence begets violence later,” he said at a recent hearing in the State Duma. “Can you and I really be proud of a revolution when millions died? There should be no holiday of the defeat of the state, there should be a memorial service, we should honor the memory of the dead. We need to erect one monument - to the victims of all Russian revolutions,” he believes.

Revolution in culture

The revolution had and continues to influence contemporary art. Historical figures who were related to the events of a century ago become not only the object of scientific debate, but also the central characters of cultural works. This year, exhibition projects related to the theme of the 1917 revolution were held in museums throughout Russia. In Moscow, the key venues were the State Museum of Russian History, the State Tretyakov Gallery, the State Central Museum of Contemporary History of Russia, as well as the Pushkin Museum. A. S. Pushkin.

However, the greatest resonance in society was caused by the release of the feature film “Matilda” directed by Alexei Uchitel, dedicated to the relationship between Emperor Nicholas II and the ballerina Matilda Kshesinskaya. The director’s main opponent was State Duma deputy Natalya Poklonskaya, who was supported by a number of religious organizations. During 2017, a number of actions against “Matilda” took place in Moscow, St. Petersburg and other cities, including the arson of the director’s office and his lawyer’s car. The Russian Orthodox Church has strongly condemned the radical actions of the film's opponents, but its representatives, including Patriarch Kirill, have repeatedly said that modern art, including a film about Nicholas II, canonized, should not offend the feelings of believers. Now in Russia the film is shown throughout the country on 2 thousand screens.

Experts agree that in the coming year, society will still have many reasons to argue and try to come to a consensus, because almost every month there will be a 100-year anniversary that is important for history. For example, 100 years since the execution of the royal family in July 2018.

From the editor:

2017 marks the 100th anniversary of the dramatic events associated with two Russian revolutions - the February and October 1917. The revolutionary upheavals of that year not only influenced current life in the state, but also changed the very course of its history. The regime established after October 1917 opened a new page in the sad series of persecutions against Christians and religion in general. Today in our country there is a public discussion about the causes and consequences of the revolutions of 1917. Various alternative scenarios for the development of events are considered, as well as numerous conspiracy theories about the causes and driving forces of these phenomena. Periodically, a version is voiced about the involvement of Old Believers in revolutionary events. In this regard, our site is opening a series of articles with the goal of covering this difficult topic as truthfully as possible.

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The period of life of the Old Believers after the famous decree of 1905 by the emperor Nicholas II about strengthening the principles of religious tolerance seemed to be the beginning of a new path. Temples were opened, hundreds of new churches were built, publishing and educational activities expanded. It seemed that the dark times of persecution of the Church of Christ were becoming a thing of the past forever. At the same time, many unresolved economic and political problems remained in the country. Thus, an acute conflict was around the agrarian issue - the lands remained the property of the landowners. The situation of the workers remained difficult - the existing labor legislation did not meet modern requirements. The situation was complicated by some historical circumstances, such as Russia’s entry into the bloody First World War or “ Rasputinism"within the walls of the imperial family.

These and other reasons led to the revolutionary events of February 1917, when the dynasty Romanovs was removed from power. The newly created Provisional Government announced its intention to lift all restrictions on the activities of religious associations. On July 14, 1917, the corresponding Decree “On Freedom of Conscience” appeared, which significantly expanded the rights of citizens to religious self-determination. For example, it said: “Every citizen of the Russian State is guaranteed freedom of conscience. Therefore, the enjoyment of civil and political rights does not depend on religious affiliation, and no one can be persecuted or have any rights limited for beliefs in matters of faith.”. These and other similar decisions aroused great hopes in all Old Believer consensus; meetings of communities and dioceses expressed support for the Provisional Government.

In April 1917, an extraordinary congress of Old Believers of the Belokrinitsky hierarchy took place. Its resolution stated:

The Church cannot be in the service of state power, the Church must renounce all attempts to dominate... The complete separation of the Church from the state and the freedom of religious groups located in Russia will only serve the good, greatness and prosperity of a free Russia.

In Moscow, St. Petersburg and other cities in the spring and summer of 1917, dozens of large and small meetings of Old Believer consents were held. Through joint efforts, the Organizing Committee of Moscow Old Believers of All Accords was created, which came out in May 1917 with a unified program of political and spiritual reforms. It was proposed to hold a Constituent Assembly, which would establish the form of government and federal structure of the future Russian state, equalize the rights of all confessions and adopt a law on the separation of Church and state. As the basis of the state, the Old Believers proposed the so-called popular law (republican) form of government based on the models of the ancient Russian republics of Pskov and Veliky Novgorod. Old Believer societies also spoke out in favor of returning the capital from Petrograd to Moscow. The congress supported the provisional government and appealed to the Prime Minister, Prince Georgy Evgenievich Lvov. The telegram said: " ...welcoming the Provisional Government in your person, we express complete trust and confidence in it that, under its wise leadership, God will save Russia from the coming anarchy and external enemy» .

Old Believer meetings gathered throughout the country, at which the most sincere hopes for transformation were expressed. Thus, the Christians of Yegoryevsk at their meeting on April 17, 1917 adopted a resolution very characteristic of that time, where they noted that “ they sincerely rejoice at the overthrow of the painful oppression of the despotic power of an irresponsible government, alien to the Russian spirit - an oppression that fettered the development of the spiritual and material forces of the country; they also rejoice in all the proclaimed freedoms: speech, press, personality» .

Support was also expressed for the Provisional Government in anticipation of the convening of the main constitutional body of Russia - the Constituent Assembly, “ which will establish unshakable principles for the foundations of firm power, secure the promised freedoms and calm the country". The same meeting condemned the attempt by some groups to take power by force or to conduct separate negotiations with Germany, which was at war with Russia. Yegorievsk Old Believers prophetically pointed out that such attempts would end “ civil war and then anarchy, the consequences of which are undoubtedly disastrous". On the other hand, appeals and articles by Old Believers were also found in the moderate Social Democratic press.

In the summer of 1917, the religious situation became complicated mainly due to the fact that the war with Germany continued, claiming thousands of lives, and the Provisional Government could not find a way out of this situation. On the one hand, the signing of a separate peace with Germany threatened a serious defeat, on the other hand, there was no longer the strength and means to continue the war. Also, the issue of land was not resolved; millions of peasants were waiting for the immediate transfer of land into their ownership. In the fall of 1917, a deep government crisis broke out in the country. Under the pressure of left-wing radical forces, the Provisional Government fell, and the Bolsheviks came to power, who dispersed the Constituent Assembly and established a dictatorship of personal power.

In November 1917, immediately after the overthrow of the Provisional Government, the bishop wrote to the bishop Filaret Kazan-Vyatsky (Parshikov): « Yes, the “Bolsheviks” are doing so many bad things that great Russia is becoming a poor “Scatter”, from the “dispersion of the peoples” that made it up: Finland, Latvia, Ukraine, the Caucasus, Crimea, Don, Siberia, and maybe the Volga and so on are separated. , etc. Lenin and Co. will conclude a separate peace with Germany, and the allies, having united with Germany, will steal the remains for debts and enslave for hundreds of years the unfortunate Russian people, who have lost not only their conscience, but also their faith in God, as the Moscow fratricidal war proved when neither icons of saints nor churches were spared. Oh God, what have we come to! Why, O God, do you turn away your face from us?»

In many places, Old Believer communities refused to recognize the new government. Thus, under the chairmanship of the bishop, a meeting of the Don Diocese was held, which spoke out against the October coup. The bishop, the future Metropolitan of Belokrinitsky, was the first to compose a prayer for the deliverance of Rus' from the godless power of the Bolsheviks.

Already in the first years after the October Revolution, it became clear that the Bolshevik Party set as its task the struggle not only with the bourgeois classes, but also with the Church and religion as such. The resolution of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) of 1921 stated: “ Both in anti-religious debates and in the press... systematically emphasize that the Russian Communist Party is fighting not against any individual religious groups, but against any religious worldview in general» .

The resolution of the XII Congress of the RCP(b) in 1923 on anti-religious agitation and propaganda indicated: “The work of the party to completely destroy religious beliefs in all forms among the worker and peasant masses inevitably acquires, first of all, the character of in-depth systematic propaganda, clearly and convincingly revealing to every worker and peasant the lies and contradiction of his interests of any religion.” .

However, the real persecution of the Church began not even in the 20s, but even earlier, in the very first months after the revolution. Signed Lenin On January 23, 1918, the Decree of the Council of People's Commissars “On the separation of church from state and school from church” deprived religious associations of the right to property and formation of a legal entity. Article 13 of the decree posed a particular danger to the Old Believer Church: “Buildings and objects intended specifically for liturgical purposes are given, according to special resolutions of local or central government authorities, for the free use of the respective religious societies.” .

Unlike the Synodal Church, whose church buildings (monasteries, temples, chapels, etc.) were initially created as specialized places of worship, many Old Believer churches and prayer houses (especially those built before 1905) were built as an integral part of private estates and even residential premises. This situation arose due to continuous persecution during tsarist times, when it was almost impossible for the Old Believers to officially formalize the construction of a separate Old Believer temple.

Of the 46 officially registered Old Believer churches and prayer houses in Moscow in 1917, only 16 were separate buildings. The rest, including a significant number of unregistered places of worship and temples, were defined by the authorities as “ brownies", private, not created specifically for the performance of worship and, therefore, subject to liquidation. Already in 1918, the Old Believer Teachers' Institute and other spiritual and charitable institutions on Rogozhsky were closed.

In 1919, under the pretext of transferring the premises to the insurance fund, the prayer house of St. Peter and Paul on Luzhnetskaya. In 1923-1924. Churches and prayer houses of St. are closed. Sergius and Bacchus in Gzhel Lane, Introduction to the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the Spiridonovs' house on Malaya Andronovka, St. Sergius of Radonezh on Izmailovskoye Highway, Apostle Matthew in the house of M.S. Kuznetsov on 1st Meshchanskaya and many others.

The churches remaining with the Old Believers now de jure belonged to the state and were used by believers on a lease basis. The lease agreement for the building was drawn up between the local religious community and the Gubernia Executive Committee, which could terminate the agreement at any time for the most far-fetched and fictitious reasons. For example, in response to " workers' letter» to local authorities with a request to organize a club in the temple building.

The confiscation of temple buildings, monasteries and prayer houses was far from the only way to fight the Church. Even earlier, at the beginning of 1918, all Old Believer periodicals were closed. In the summer of 1925, the Politburo of the RSDLP(b) decided to allow the publication of only those religious literature that were used exclusively for liturgical purposes. However, soon the publication of any religious literature was effectively prohibited.

Other socio-political events also had a most destructive impact on the Old Believers. At the end of 1917, banks were nationalized, and in the first half of 1918, all branches of heavy and light industry were nationalized. The class of Old Believer merchants, industrialists and entrepreneurs, who were the main benefactors of the Church, ceased to exist.

No less a blow to the Old Believers was dealt by the policy of the so-called “ decossackization" On December 12, 1918, the Supreme Revolutionary Council of the RSFSR issued instructions:

The persons listed in the paragraphs are subject to mandatory extermination: all generals; landowners; staff and chief officers; district, village and farm chieftains; all counter-revolutionaries and all Cossacks.

Thus, during the years of the civil war, as well as during collectivization, one of the important social pillars of the Church was destroyed.

The outbreak of civil war, provoked by the October Revolution and the establishment of the Bolshevik dictatorship, divided the Old Believer dioceses and cut off the Moscow Archdiocese from the rest of the dioceses of Russia. During the Civil War, many Old Believers opposed the godless Bolshevik dictatorship. Among them was a hero of the First World War Kozma Kryuchkov. His presence in the ranks of the Cossacks was the best propaganda for volunteers. At the end of August 1919, Kozma died in battle near the village of Lopukhovki, Saratov province. He was buried in the cemetery of his native farm.

The name of another Cossack, an Old Believer priest of the 1st Ural Consolidated Regiment, is shrouded in legends. Mokiya Kabaeva, who blessed the Cossack regiments to fight the godless regime. After the end of the Civil War, he refused to leave his native land and was arrested and executed by the Bolsheviks in 1921. Now Mokiy Kabaev is revered by the South Ural Cossacks as a locally revered saint.

The fate of the priest turned out differently Ioanna Kudrina, who officially held the position of the chief Old Believer priest of the army and navy of the Supreme Ruler of Russia, Admiral Alexander Vasilievich Kolchak. After the Civil War, he emigrated abroad, where he founded a number of Old Believer parishes in China and Australia, some of which still exist today. Among them is the Peter and Paul Church in Sydney.

After the end of the civil war, the spiritual life of the Old Believer Church began to gradually improve. A characteristic feature of its life in the troubled revolutionary and post-revolutionary times, in contrast to the Synodal Church, was the absence of any schisms, “ autocephaly", renovationism, movements " unmemorable", etc. The Church has preserved its integrity and unity, thanks to the spirit of conciliarity inherent in it. However, the persecution of religion that began after the October Revolution continued to intensify. The clergy, or " clergy", as they were then called in Soviet laws and the media, were equated with kulaks, former White Guard officers, nobles and entrepreneurs; taxes for them increased tenfold from 1928 to 1930. This brought the Old Believer clergy to the brink of survival.

In 1930, the decree of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks “On measures to eliminate kulak farms in areas of complete collectivization” was promulgated. The new policy of the Soviet government largely hit the rural Old Believers, the basis of which were wealthy peasants, called kulaks in Soviet times. The resolution provided for either their imprisonment in concentration camps or deportation to remote areas of the USSR.

Simultaneously with the fight against the kulaks, the authorities began a large-scale closure of rural Old Believer churches and monasteries. The latter were liquidated not only as religious centers, but also as effective farms, competing with the created collective farms. A similar thing happened in the cities: by the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, there was only one functioning church of the Russian Orthodox Church in Moscow - .

Not only the closure of churches became a terrible sign of the times. A total and merciless fight against religion was going on in all directions. The policy of destroying religion, announced by the Bolsheviks after the tragic October 1917, led to dire consequences. Thousands of priests and believers were repressed, an anti-religious worldview was instilled in schools, the result of which was lack of spirituality, loss of respect for Russian history, church and folk tradition. And although more than 25 years have passed since the period of godlessness and the struggle against religion, the legacy of this era continues to be felt, and the Church of Christ still has a lot to do in order to overcome the atheistic fruits of the October Revolution of 1917.

Resolution of the Provisional Government “On Freedom of Conscience” (July 14, 1917) // Church Gazette. 1917. No. 31. July 29. pp. 247-248.
. Kozlov V.F. Moscow Old Believers in the first third of the 20th century. / Old Believers in Russia. Moscow, 1999. P. 197.

On November 7, the country celebrates the 101st anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. The event is old, but important, playing a significant role in the development of Russia and the whole world as a whole. Do people remember what happened on this day 101 years ago?

Storming of the Winter Palace on October 25, 1917. Petrograd. Still from the film "October". Directors Sergei Eisenstein, Grigory Alexandrov. 1927

With this question, I went out onto the streets of the city of Vyborg a year ago and tried to find out from passers-by what happened on November 7 (October 25, old style) more than 100 years ago. Someone remembered the confrontation between the “reds” and the provisional government. One person recalled the overthrow of the old regime by the new regime. There was some embarrassment: not everyone was able to give at least an approximate description of the events of a hundred years ago.

On November 7 (October 25, old style), 1917, the armed overthrow of the Russian Provisional Government took place and the Bolshevik Party came to power, proclaiming the establishment of Soviet power.

Why did the government overthrow happen?

The protracted First World War (1911 - 1918) became a kind of catalyst for radical revolutionary sentiments in society. Russia was the defending party in this war, and a significant shortage of ammunition, uniforms, and military equipment greatly undermined the morale of the army. Thus, at the beginning of the war, Russia had only 13 cruisers, while Germany and Austria-Hungary had 42. Russia also lagged behind in the number of heavy guns - at the beginning of hostilities there were about 240 of them in the country, and in Germany alone - 2076. Russia was inferior in both aviation and tanks.

The beginning of the revolution was also accelerated by the national movement, which intensified after the February Revolution. After the abdication of Nicholas II, the state was left without an autocrat and leader. The country was actually governed by two bodies: the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and the Provisional Government. The provisional government turned out to be unable to resolve pressing issues: labor, agrarian, nationalist.

Landownership continued to exist . An important issue for the peasantry had still not been resolved - the common people wanted to own the land and dispose of it without permission. Martial law only delayed consideration of the demands of the peasant population. The provisional government did nothing to implement the agricultural program. The “Reds” promised at rallies to solve the agrarian issue and provide land to the peasants. Their slogans “land to peasants”, “factories to workers” attracted more and more supporters.

As a result, the peasants, who made up the majority of the population of the Russian state, supported the Bolsheviks and refused to trust the Provisional Government. The revolutionary movement was also supported by the workers, who were tired of living inflexibly under the yoke of the monarchy. By the fall of 1917, the real wages of the working population had fallen to 40-50% of the pre-war level.

The provisional government also did nothing to resolve the national issue. On the national question, tsarist Russia defended the slogan “one and indivisible” and pursued a policy of forced Russification, which was expressed, in particular, in the imposition of the Russian language. Nations, in turn, demanded cultural-national autonomy. Due to the multinationality of the country and the rigidity of state policy, the national issue becomes the most pressing. At the beginning of the 20th century, over 200 peoples lived on the territory of Russia, speaking 146 languages ​​and dialects. The Bolsheviks proposed the right of nations to self-determination, the abolition of national privileges and restrictions, and the free development of national minorities. Therefore, the Provisional Government, which did not pay due attention to national minorities, lost their support.

The centenary of the 1917 revolution puts the Russian authorities in an awkward position, who are happy about its global significance, but fundamentally do not accept any idea of ​​overthrowing the government. Rare commemorative events should highlight the importance of national unity, an antidote to class struggle. However, informal meetings may deviate somewhat from this line.

On November 7, 2016, on the 99th anniversary of the October Revolution, a Radio Liberty journalist addressed Muscovites on the streets with the following question: “In 1917, would you support the Whites or the Reds?” The answers demonstrated a slight advantage of the latter and showed that in Russia the rejection of revolutions does not necessarily apply to the Bolsheviks, the bearers of the project of a new society. Subsequent surveys only confirmed this trend.

On the same day, about two thousand young and not so young people nostalgic for communism took to the streets of the capital with portraits of Lenin and Stalin. The procession was led by the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov. Two hours earlier, the leader of the liberal Yabloko party, Sergei Mitrokhin, laid flowers and a plaque at the Ministry of Defense in memory of the “defenders of democracy and the Constituent Assembly.” According to him, these people were heroes. They fought back with arms in their hands against the “political bandits” (Bolsheviks), who dissolved the Constituent Assembly elected on November 25, 1917 in January 1918, because they did not receive a majority of votes in it. Be that as it may, the Moscow authorities do not agree with the position of Russian liberals: they periodically ban Yabloko events, but allow communists to carry portraits of Lenin and Stalin. As for Lenin, he still rests (against his own will) in the mausoleum on Red Square and may remain there for a long time. There are too many fears that his burial will cause more controversy than the status quo.

These two examples demonstrate how much controversy the 1917 revolution causes in Russian society, and how sensitive the memory of it is for the authorities. Although the rise of Vladimir Putin gave way to the stridently anti-Stalinist views of the Boris Yeltsin era to a more positive perception of the Soviet leader, both periods have one thing in common: a categorical rejection of revolutionary upheaval. In 1996, November 7 was made the Day of Accord and Reconciliation. In 2004, the anniversary of the uprising in Petrograd lost its status as an official holiday. Finally, in 2005, it was finally pushed into the shadows with the introduction of National Unity Day on November 4th. This date is associated with the end of foreign invasions (primarily Polish-Lithuanian) into Russia in 1612. This event, celebrated until 1917, marked the end of the Time of Troubles and the imminent advent of the Romanov dynasty. The cancellation of the celebration of the October Revolution indicates attempts to erase this event from people's memory and replace it with another that is more conducive to the reconciliation of society.

Reminder for “idealists”

Be that as it may, the anniversary of the capture of the Winter Palace never completely disappeared. For several years now, the Russian authorities have been holding a military parade on November 7 on Red Square. We are talking about the anniversary not of the revolution, but of the military parade on November 7, 1941 (on the 24th anniversary of the October Revolution), when Nazi forces were on the outskirts of Moscow. Most of the 28 thousand soldiers who took part then went directly to the front. Thus, the current government does not want to completely erase this event or mark it as a revolution. She is trying to merge several historical dates into one, thereby creating stronger collective support.

For a long time, foreign observers wondered whether the authorities planned to celebrate the centenary of the revolution, and if so, how. On November 4, 2016, amid the ongoing conflict with Ukraine, President Putin and Patriarch Kirill unveiled a colossal monument to Prince Vladimir, the founder of Kievan Rus, which became the cradle state of Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians, near Red Square. The 400th anniversary of the establishment of the Romanov dynasty was celebrated on a grand scale in 2013. The 200th anniversary of the Patriotic War of 1812 against Napoleonic troops became the occasion for large-scale celebrations in 2012. Finally, every May 9th there are huge celebrations of the Nazi surrender. For the last four years, they have been accompanied by a procession of the “immortal regiment”, in which several million people carry photographs of relatives who participated in the Great Patriotic War. All these events fit into a logical scheme: the unification and centralization of the Russian state. The revolution evokes the destruction of the state, Russia brought to its knees and the blood shed in a terrible civil war supported by foreign powers.

A departure from stability, tradition and the authority of the state - the October Revolution embodies everything that power hates. Political rhetoric bears an anti-revolutionary imprint. In 2007, Putin’s adviser Vladislav Surkov reminded all “idealists” dreaming of a revolution that “as a result of the actions of romantics, maniacs and terrorists usually come to power.”

The authorities, of course, were targeting the “color revolutions,” in particular the events of 2003 in Georgia and 2004 in Ukraine: they were perceived as the results of Western maneuvers in the post-Soviet space. Protest movements in Russia in 2011-2012 against the election results stirred suspicions of interference. To discredit the demonstrators, the authorities not only talked about working to undermine state sovereignty, but also emphasized the revolutionary (and therefore dangerous) nature of the protests.

During a speech at a session of the UN General Assembly on September 28, 2015, President Putin criticized the “export of now so-called “democratic” revolutions. (...) We should all not forget the experience of the past. For example, we remember examples from the history of the Soviet Union. The export of social experiments, attempts to spur changes in certain countries, based on their ideological principles, often led to tragic consequences, leading not to progress, but to degradation.”

Context

Victory of “historical Russia”

Could Russia have avoided revolution?

Putin does not celebrate the anniversary of the revolution

The cruel age of Bolshevism

Is it possible to reach the horizon line?

The authorities have been trying to develop their own interpretation of the revolution for several years now. The prerequisites for this were noticeable back in 2007 in history textbooks, which were part of a project to develop new federal curricula. The February and October revolutions and the civil war that followed them are united in them into a single block called the “Great Russian Revolution,” which clearly indicates a desire to put it on the same level as the “Great French Revolution.” The tragic nature of the war and its consequences are especially emphasized. Russia emerged from these difficult trials stronger than before, becoming the Soviet Union. In such a scheme, there can be no question of finding the guilty and analyzing heterogeneous political views. Both whites and reds were ready to give their lives for Russia: the former for the imperial, the latter for the Soviet. Therefore, both of them deserve respect.

The expression “Great Russian Revolution” even appeared in scientific circles. It allows us to emphasize the significance of this event for the country and the whole world. In addition, it helps to make October part of a broader process, which, by the way, is what historians are doing after the disappearance of the Soviet “myth” about October, which pushed the “bourgeois” February revolution into a deep shadow.

In 2015, a round table was held in Moscow, chaired by the Minister of Culture Vladimir Medinsky, on the topic “Centenary of the Great Russian Revolution: reflection in the name of consolidation” with the participation of representatives of various historical institutions. The event took place in the former Museum of the Revolution, which was renamed in 1998 into the State Central Museum of Contemporary History of Russia. The name openly indicates the chosen course: the anniversary should become an occasion for the “consolidation” of society.

“The Great Russian Revolution of 1917 will forever remain one of the most important events of the 20th century,” the minister noted at the opening of the event. According to him, “a comprehensive and objective study of the Great Russian Revolution and Civil War helps us to understand the tragedy of the split of society into opposing sides, to understand the importance for Russia of strong state power, supported by all segments of the country’s population.” The need was noted to emphasize the tragic nature of the split in society after the 1917 revolution and the civil war, while respecting the heroes of both camps (red and white). Finally, revolutionary terror deserves condemnation to the same extent as “the mistake of relying on the help of external allies in the internal political struggle” (this clearly sounds like a warning in modern Russia).

The real launch of the commemorative events took place in December 2016, when Vladimir Putin instructed the official Russian Historical Society to form an organizing committee. “The coming 2017 is the year of the centenary of the February and October revolutions,” he noted. “This is a good reason to once again turn to the causes and the very nature of the revolution in Russia. Not only for historians and scientists. Russian society needs an objective, honest, in-depth analysis of these events. This is our common history, we need to treat it with respect.” As the former speaker of the Duma and head of the Russian Historical Society Sergei Naryshkin noted, “the anniversary of such an event as the revolution in Russia is necessary not for ceremonial events, not for celebration, but, above all, for a deep understanding of the events of a hundred years ago. And most importantly, in order to formulate the most important lessons not only for our country, but also for the world.” These lessons are, first of all, “the value of unity, civil harmony, the ability of society to find compromises and not allow extreme division in society in the form of civil war.”

Historian resistance

Thus, the task of the authorities is to learn lessons from the revolution. However, judging by the list of events (exhibitions, publications, conferences, scientific projects, films) that were approved by the organizing committee or will be held outside the official program, you still shouldn’t count on unanimity. Historians will express their point of view, which is alien to any mystification. The official rhetoric will have a counterweight from scientific, cultural and political circles. This already happened in 2007-2009, when the government tried to impose a positive perception of Stalinism, pushing for the modernization of the country, which allowed the USSR to win the war. Many publications on the history of Stalinism did not allow this initiative to succeed.

This time, many historians will remind us of what is sometimes drowned out in impartial discussions and calls for the consolidation of society around a strong government. The fall of tsarism in 1917 and the Bolsheviks' seizure of power in October became possible only because the vast majority of the empire's population wanted change and were tired of the severe inequality in the socio-political system. In addition, Muscovites surveyed on November 7, 2016, apparently understood perfectly well, a hundred years later, that belonging to the Red or White camp is not the same thing. Thus, a woman in an elegant cream-colored fur coat replied that in 1917 her family was poor, and she would have supported the Bolsheviks. “Now, of course, I would be for the whites,” she added with a dazzling smile.

InoSMI materials contain assessments exclusively from foreign media and do not reflect the position of the InoSMI editorial staff.